Cash as Liquidity Insurance
This chapter asks whether cash does more than replace a failed card at the checkout: does having it available help a household keep making purchases when digital payments are disrupted? The focus is cash as liquidity insurance, meaning a reserve that preserves a feasible transaction when another payment rail is unavailable. The evidence is useful but not uniform. Some measures are suggestive proxies, some are survey associations, and the randomized information design has not yet reported its linked spending outcome.
What liquidity insurance means at the point of sale
Insurance is valuable because it protects an outcome that may otherwise be lost when a bad event occurs. Cash plays a limited version of that role in a payment system. It does not insure a household against all losses from a hurricane. It does not guarantee that a store will open or that fuel will be available. It can, however, preserve the ability to settle an available purchase when the usual electronic route has failed.
That functional definition is different from calling cash a preference. A preference describes which method someone would choose if several methods were available. Liquidity describes what the person can actually draw on when the choice set narrows. A household can prefer a credit card, hold little cash, and be unable to complete a purchase when the card network is unavailable. Another can prefer a card but keep enough cash to complete a small emergency purchase. The second household has a wider set of feasible actions under the disruption, even though the two households may make similar choices in ordinary times.
The resilience study approaches this question through two measures of cash availability. The first uses timing within the month. Survey respondents report holding more cash in the first week than later in the month, and store-level cash shares show a related pattern. If a hurricane occurs when local households are more likely to have cash available, the cash share may rise more and the spending decline may be smaller. The timing provides a high-frequency comparison that is useful because weather events do not arrive according to household payday schedules. It is still only a proxy: the first week of the month may bring other changes in shopping, income, bills, or mobility that also affect spending.
The second measure uses the Diary of Consumer Payment Choice to estimate the relationship between household characteristics and cash holdings, then projects predicted holdings into the Nielsen household purchase panel. This creates a cross-sectional proxy for which households are more likely to have liquidity available when an outage occurs. In the reported results, greater predicted cash availability is associated with a larger movement toward cash during outages and a smaller decline in expenditures. The outage-by-cash-availability interaction is positive for the cash share, including a statistically significant interaction with imputed holdings.
The two measures point in the same direction, but they do not turn one another into a clean experiment. The within-month timing is explicitly described as suggestive. Imputed holdings are predictions, not a direct count of the notes in each Nielsen household. A household predicted to hold more cash may also differ in income, shopping patterns, banking access, or preparedness in ways that affect its response to a storm.